| British colonisers in league with the Christian
missionaries realised 200 years ago that the biggest obstacle to fully
subjugating India was Hinduism, as it was ancient, woven into the fabric
of life and held the country together. They set upon defaming Hinduism, by
dwelling on what they perceived as its negatives: castes, sati,
superstition, etc. Simultaneously, they created in a span of two or three
generations a class of Indians who looked up only to the West.
Macaulay, the architect of the scheme, summed it up in his
Minute on Education: "We must do our best to form a class of
persons, Indians in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions,
in morals and in intellect." Macaulay despised Indian culture: "Hindus
have a literature of small intrinsic value, hardly reconcilable with
morality, full of monstrous superstitions...." The demonisation of
Hinduism was apace.
As a result, these Anglicised Indians became
ashamed of their own culture. This Western/anti-Hindu outlook was handed
down from generation to generation, right down to our age, where many of
India's brilliant and articulate Hindu-Marxist intellectuals, products all
of institutions like jnu, or St Stephen's, keep on repeating, as if by
rote, what their hoary forebears were taught by the British. And
unfortunately, they pass it back to their friends from the West, neatly
marking a full circle. How else could a film like Slumdog
Millionaire, made by an Englishman, which literally craps on India
from the very first frame, be feted by most of India's intelligentsia? How
else could India specialists like Christophe Jaffrelot peddle to his
gullible French readers the spurious theory that there is a "Hindu
tradition of terror"?
Politically, the Congress just took over from
the British, as I explain in my new book (A New History of India,
2008, Har Anand), and used its English-speaking press to present Hindu
social and political parties as fanatical and ridiculous. The goal was to
corner the Muslim vote, which was—and still remains—achieved. It does not
help today that the supreme leader of India is a Christian. Whether her
aides or her ministers (many of them capable people in their own right)
rush to gratify her in true bhakti spirit or whether she directly speaks
her will, one does not know. But what better way to please her than by
equating Hindu fundamentalism with the Muslim one and to turn the flak on
to small Hindu outfits which are amateur lambs compared to the Islamic
ones?
There are two standards today used by India's media and
intelligentsia. One for minorities and the other for Hindus. It is totally
illogical: if 4,00,000 Hindus are hounded out of the Kashmir Valley which
has always been their home, nobody protests; but New Delhi has been
rooting for Palestinians for four decades and recently donated a million
dollars for their welfare. When blast after blast wrecks Indian markets,
when trains are bombed, hotels attacked by men worse than animals,
intellectuals blame it on Babri Masjid (where nobody was killed) or
Gujarat (triggered by the burning of 59 innocent Hindus).But when a few
Hindus plan to establish a Hindu rashtra and plot a clumsy, small-scale
revenge, they are equated with deadly fundamentalists. A universal theorem
is made of their single act, which should stand out as isolated, because
Hindus have been for thousands of years tolerant to the point of
cowardice. Our intellectuals never theorised when, in Kashmir, militants
used to throw acid on women who did not cover up, but now devote reams to
the goons of Mangalore.
Finally, to be fair, one has to say that a
lot of prudishness has seeped into India because of the Islamic purdah
and, later, Victorian stuffiness. Yet, Hinduism always enjoined its
adherents to live life fully, including its sexual aspect. We do not want
an Indian youth which blindly apes the West: drinking, drugs and
promiscuity. But the Hindu political leadership should also shun rough,
prudish and moralistic acts which will only alienate its young voters.
(Francois Gautier is the
editor-in-chief of the Paris-based La Revue l'Inde)
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